After the September 2025 Gen-Z movement in Nepal, the results of the subsequent parliamentary elections of 5 March 2026 in Nepal has marked a second revolutionary change in the country’s politics. In the first “revolution”, against the monarchy ended in 2006 with the Comprehensive Peace Agreement of 2006 among major political stakeholders, which was followed by the 2008 Constituent Assembly elections in Nepal for the formulation of new constitution for the country with the expectations of an egalitarian society and federal polity. Pushpa Kamal Dahal ‘Prachanda’s’ Communist party of Nepal (Maoist) G P Koirala’s Nepali Congress  and Madhav Kumar Nepal’s Communist Party of Nepal (United Marxist-Leninists) had received similarly enthusiastic support from the people. After a long negotiations Pushpa Kamal Dahal ‘Prachanda was elected as Prime Minister of the country. However, Prachanda had failed to live up to public expectations. Democracy has not firmly took root, political and economic equality could not materialise, and a stable government had not been provided. In the course of ten years, that is, until 2015, Nepal could not deliver an inclusive constitution. Even after the constitution was adopted, political instability persisted, and prime ministers kept changing one after another.

In fact, the youth-led protests and anti-government demonstrations have led the second “revolution” in the form of the Gen-Z movement of September 2025. After the fell of the KP Oli government, a fresh elections on 5 March 2026 has produced massive support for a newly party, the Rastriya Swatantra Party (RSP) and a young leadership Balendra (Balen) Shah, as against the traditional political parties. This election reflects public anger against the old leadership and signals a desire for change. Nepal’s parliament has 275 members, of which 165 seats are filled through direct elections (FPTP) and 110 through proportional representation. In this election, the RSP, under the leadership of Balendra (Balen) Shah, is on the verge of an almost absolute majority, while the former ruling party CPN-UML (K.P. Oli’s party) and the Nepali Congress (Gagan Thapa) are now being pushed into second and third place respectively. Though, Maost Centre leader Prachanda has secured his seat and the Madhesi parties have gained almost nothing.

Rise of Balen Shah and role of Gen-Z in this election has defeated his main rival, KP Sharma Oli from the Jhapa-5, a Leningrad of Maoist politics in the Nepal (this has always been fuelled from the Naxalbadi Andolan of West Bengal). The winner of Jhapa-5, Balen Shah, by profession a rapper and former mayor of Kathmandu, enjoys immense popularity among young people throughout the country. By giving a call against corruption and for changing the existing system, Balen has successfully mobilised Gen-Z in his favour. Hence, the voters turnout in this election has also been around 60 per cent.

Interestingly, in this elections, the influence of social media (especially Facebook and YouTube, which together shaped nearly 70 per cent of the discourse) significantly increased youth participation and strengthened anti-establishment sentiment. RSP, under Balen’s leadership, benefitted rapidly from this mood. One of the main triggers of the Gen-Z movement was the KP Oli government’s decision to ban 26 social media platforms. The traditional parties found themselves in deep crisis over issues such as dynastic politics, widespread corruption, political instability (frequent government changes), economic crisis, unemployment and, consequently the mass youth out-migration.

Serious allegations were also levelled against the alliance led by K.P. Sharma Oli’s CPN-UML and the Nepali Congress for using violence to suppress the Gen-Z movement. Social media ban, Oli’s perceived proximity to China and the use of force to crush the movement angered external powers like the United States of America. American youth-development, institutional-training programmes, and military aid and exchange initiatives have steadily increased US influence in Nepal. As a result, the Nepal’s army appeared in the role of guardians of the Gen-Z protesters. There were pressure to appoint Balen Shah as Prime Minister of interim government after the people’s coup. His decline has paved a way for Shushila Karki. 

Both KP Sharma Oli and Prachanda are ageing leaders and their political grip was slowly weakening. People had grown weary of their political deals and bargaining. For example, after the 2022 elections, the Nepali Congress emerged as the single largest party, but the prime minister’s post was first given to Prachanda, whose party stood third, and later Oli was again supported as prime minister, even though his party came second largest. As Prime Minister, Oli’s style was seen as corrupt and authoritarian. All this undermined the people’s mandate. Moreover, just before the elections, leadership has changed within the Nepali Congress. Gagan Thapa has replaced Sher Bahadur Deuba as party chief. This move has been challenged in court by Deuba. This deep internal split made Balen’s path easier.

Therefore, Nepal’s 2026 election is being described as the “election of a youth revolution”. Traditional parties have ceded space to a new, emerging political party and young leadership. This election signals a “political generational shift” in Nepal. The core question, however, is whether, after forming the government, the RSP will bring about a major structural transformation in Nepali politics, or whether it will betray the people’s trust just as earlier Prime Ministers did after the Maoist movement. Following 2006, the Nepali people had pinned high hopes on old guards for equality, republicanism and economic development. But opportunistic politics, corruption and family-based patronage left the public disappointed. A challenging design of federalism and issues like the neglect of Madheshis kept political instability alive. Balen Shah’s Madhesi roots have now emerged as a new source of hope for Madheshi communities as well.

The new party under young leadership has serious challenges ahead; first, Most Members Parliament, including Balendra Shah, lack political and governing experience. Dealing with the bureaucracy and ensuring the protection of public interest will be key issues. Balen is seen as politically less mature, short-tempered, and prone to making strong, provocative remarks about neighbouring countries, which could prove costly. Second, RSP is originally the party of Rabi Lamichhane. Balen Shah and several other leaders have joined recently. Serious corruption allegations are against Lamichhane, and during the Gen-Z movement he has come out from jail without due judicial process. There will be continuing pressure over the cases against him. This could damage the new government’s image and even trigger a leadership crisis within the party.

Third, It will not be easy for the government to fulfil its electoral promises, especially on employment generation and economic growth. Given the tightening of migration policies in the United States, increasing crises in Middle East and a growing global backlash against migration, many Nepalese may want to return home with renewed expectations. Providing jobs to everyone will be herculean task. Fourth, There were demand for Hindu Rastra and Constitutional Monarchy in Nepal. Thus, issues such as constitutional amendment, the federal structure and respect for Sanatan Dharma may intensify political confrontation. 

Fifth, India has special ties with Nepal, yet there are border and water disputes (Limpiyadhura Kalapani and Lipulekh ). It remains to be seen whether the new government will use these issues as political weapons the way K.P. Oli did. Incidents like display of Greater Nepal map in Balen’s office could create fresh tensions. And Sixth, Growing involvement of the United States and China in South Asia tends to fuel political instability in the region, as seen in Pakistan, Bangladesh and Sri Lanka. How far the new government manages to limit such external interference will be crucial for Nepal’s political and economic stability.

Finally, if youth leadership goes beyond traditional politics and works in the national interest, the outcome could be positive for Nepal. While reducing the role of external powers and engaging relationship with India may bring political stability and development in the country. India’s partnership in Nepal’s infrastructure and energy sector development can prove to be a milestone.

END OF ARTICLE